General Principles in Carol Dweck’s Brainology Due Date:Thursday 2/7Directions:Step 1. Re-read “Brainology” and look over your annotation sheet. Step 2: Do

General Principles in Carol Dweck’s Brainology Due Date:Thursday 2/7Directions:Step 1. Re-read “Brainology” and look over your annotation sheet. Step 2: Download and complete the Brainology Graphic Organizer.
Be as thorough as possible. The entire text box should be full of your writing! Brainology
Transforming Students’ Motivation to Learn
Carol S. Dweck
Winter 2008
T
his is an exciting time for our brains. More and more research is showing
that our brains change constantly with learning and experience and that this
takes place throughout our lives.
Does this have implications for students’ motivation and learning? It certainly
does. In my research in collaboration with my graduate students, we have
shown that what students believe about their brains — whether they see their
intelligence as something that’s fixed or something that can grow and change —
Photoillustration: Michael
has profound effects on their motivation, learning, and school achievement
Northrup
(Dweck, 2006). These different beliefs, or mindsets, create different
psychological worlds: one in which students are afraid of challenges and devastated by setbacks, and one in
which students relish challenges and are resilient in the face of setbacks.
How do these mindsets work? How are the mindsets communicated to students? And, most important, can they
be changed? As we answer these questions, you will understand why so many students do not achieve to their
potential, why so many bright students stop working when school becomes challenging, and why stereotypes
have such profound effects on students’ achievement. You will also learn how praise can have a negative effect
on students’ mindsets, harming their motivation to learn.
Mindsets and Achievement
Many students believe that intelligence is fixed, that each person has a certain amount and that’s that. We call
this a fixed mindset, and, as you will see, students with this mindset worry about how much of this fixed
intelligence they possess. A fixed mindset makes challenges threatening for students (because they believe that
their fixed ability may not be up to the task) and it makes mistakes and failures demoralizing (because they
believe that such setbacks reflect badly on their level of fixed intelligence).
Other students believe that intelligence is something that can be cultivated through effort and education. They
don’t necessarily believe that everyone has the same abilities or that anyone can be as smart as Einstein, but they
do believe that everyone can improve their abilities. And they understand that even Einstein wasn’t Einstein
until he put in years of focused hard work. In short, students with this growth mindset believe that intelligence is
a potential that can be realized through learning. As a result, confronting challenges, profiting from mistakes,
and persevering in the face of setbacks become ways of getting smarter.
To understand the different worlds these mindsets create, we followed several hundred students across a
difficult school transition — the transition to seventh grade. This is when the academic work often gets much
harder, the grading gets stricter, and the school environment gets less personalized with students moving from
class to class. As the students entered seventh grade, we measured their mindsets (along with a number of other
things) and then we monitored their grades over the next two years.
1
The first thing we found was that students with different mindsets cared about different things in school. Those
with a growth mindset were much more interested in learning than in just looking smart in school. This was not
the case for students with a fixed mindset. In fact, in many of our studies with students from preschool age to
college age, we find that students with a fixed mindset care so much about how smart they will appear that they
often reject learning opportunities — even ones that are critical to their success (Cimpian, et al., 2007; Hong, et
al., 1999; Nussbaum and Dweck, 2008; Mangels, et al., 2006).
Next, we found that students with the two mindsets had radically different beliefs about effort. Those with a
growth mindset had a very straightforward (and correct) idea of effort — the idea that the harder you work, the
more your ability will grow and that even geniuses have had to work hard for their accomplishments. In
contrast, the students with the fixed mindset believed that if you worked hard it meant that you didn’t have
ability, and that things would just come naturally to you if you did. This means that every time something is
hard for them and requires effort, it’s both a threat and a bind. If they work hard at it that means that they aren’t
good at it, but if they don’t work hard they won’t do well. Clearly, since just about every worthwhile pursuit
involves effort over a long period of time, this is a potentially crippling belief, not only in school but also in life.
Students with different mindsets also had very different reactions to setbacks. Those with growth mindsets
reported that, after a setback in school, they would simply study more or study differently the next time. But
those with fixed mindsets were more likely to say that they would feel dumb, study less the next time, and
seriously consider cheating. If you feel dumb — permanently dumb — in an academic area, there is no good
way to bounce back and be successful in the future. In a growth mindset, however, you can make a plan of
positive action that can remedy a deficiency. (Hong. et al., 1999; Nussbaum and Dweck, 2008; Heyman, et al.,
1992)
Finally, when we looked at the math grades they went on to earn, we found that the students with a growth
mindset had pulled ahead. Although both groups had started seventh grade with equivalent achievement test
scores, a growth mindset quickly propelled students ahead of their fixed-mindset peers, and this gap only
increased over the two years of the study.
In short, the belief that intelligence is fixed dampened students’ motivation to learn, made them afraid of effort,
and made them want to quit after a setback. This is why so many bright students stop working when school
becomes hard. Many bright students find grade school easy and coast to success early on. But later on, when
they are challenged, they struggle. They don’t want to make mistakes and feel dumb — and, most of all, they
don’t want to work hard and feel dumb. So they simply retire.
It is the belief that intelligence can be developed that opens students to a love of learning, a belief in the power
of effort and constructive, determined reactions to setbacks.
How Do Students Learn These Mindsets?
In the 1990s, parents and schools decided that the most important thing for kids to have was self-esteem. If
children felt good about themselves, people believed, they would be set for life. In some quarters, self-esteem in
math seemed to become more important than knowing math, and self-esteem in English seemed to become
more important than reading and writing. But the biggest mistake was the belief that you could simply hand
children self-esteem by telling them how smart and talented they are. Even though this is such an intuitively
appealing idea, and even though it was exceedingly well-intentioned, I believe it has had disastrous effects.
In the 1990s, we took a poll among parents and found that almost 85 percent endorsed the notion that it was
necessary to praise their children’s abilities to give them confidence and help them achieve. Their children are
2
now in the workforce and we are told that young workers cannot last through the day without being propped up
by praise, rewards, and recognition. Coaches are asking me where all the coachable athletes have gone. Parents
ask me why their children won’t work hard in school.
Could all of this come from well-meant praise? Well, we were suspicious of the praise movement at the time.
We had already seen in our research that it was the most vulnerable children who were already obsessed with
their intelligence and chronically worried about how smart they were. What if praising intelligence made all
children concerned about their intelligence? This kind of praise might tell them that having high intelligence
and talent is the most important thing and is what makes you valuable. It might tell them that intelligence is just
something you have and not something you develop. It might deny the role of effort and dedication in
achievement. In short, it might promote a fixed mindset with all of its vulnerabilities.
The wonderful thing about research is that you can put questions like this to the test — and we did (Kamins and
Dweck, 1999; Mueller and Dweck, 1998). We gave two groups of children problems from an IQ test, and we
praised them. We praised the children in one group for their intelligence, telling them, “Wow, that’s a really
good score. You must be smart at this.” We praised the children in another group for their effort: “Wow, that’s a
really good score. You must have worked really hard.” That’s all we did, but the results were dramatic. We did
studies like this with children of different ages and ethnicities from around the country, and the results were the
same.
Here is what happened with fifth graders. The children praised for their intelligence did not want to learn. When
we offered them a challenging task that they could learn from, the majority opted for an easier one, one on
which they could avoid making mistakes. The children praised for their effort wanted the task they could learn
from.
The children praised for their intelligence lost their confidence as soon as the problems got more difficult. Now,
as a group, they thought they weren’t smart. They also lost their enjoyment, and, as a result, their performance
plummeted. On the other hand, those praised for effort maintained their confidence, their motivation, and their
performance. Actually, their performance improved over time such that, by the end, they were performing
substantially better than the intelligence-praised children on this IQ test.
Finally, the children who were praised for their intelligence lied about their scores more often than the children
who were praised for their effort. We asked children to write something (anonymously) about their experience
to a child in another school and we left a little space for them to report their scores. Almost 40 percent of the
intelligence-praised children elevated their scores, whereas only 12 or 13 percent of children in the other group
did so. To me this suggests that, after students are praised for their intelligence, it’s too humiliating for them to
admit mistakes.
The results were so striking that we repeated the study five times just to be sure, and each time roughly the same
things happened. Intelligence praise, compared to effort (or “process”) praise, put children into a fixed mindset.
Instead of giving them confidence, it made them fragile, so much so that a brush with difficulty erased their
confidence, their enjoyment, and their good performance, and made them ashamed of their work. This can
hardly be the self-esteem that parents and educators have been aiming for.
Often, when children stop working in school, parents deal with this by reassuring their children how smart they
are. We can now see that this simply fans the flames. It confirms the fixed mindset and makes kids all the more
certain that they don’t want to try something difficult — something that could lose them their parents’ high
regard.
3
How should we praise our students? How should we reassure them? By focusing them on the process they
engaged in — their effort, their strategies, their concentration, their perseverance, or their improvement.
“You really stuck to that until you got it. That’s wonderful!”
“It was a hard project, but you did it one step at a time and it turned out great!”
“I like how you chose the tough problems to solve. You’re really going to stretch yourself and learn new
things.”
“I know that school used to be a snap for you. What a waste that was. Now you really have an opportunity to
develop your abilities.”
Brainology
Can a growth mindset be taught directly to kids? If it can be taught, will it enhance their motivation and grades?
We set out to answer this question by creating a growth mindset workshop (Blackwell, et al., 2007). We took
seventh graders and divided them into two groups. Both groups got an eight-session workshop full of great
study skills, but the “growth mindset group” also got lessons in the growth mindset — what it was and how to
apply it to their schoolwork. Those lessons began with an article called “You Can Grow Your Intelligence: New
Research Shows the Brain Can Be Developed Like a Muscle.” Students were mesmerized by this article and its
message. They loved the idea that the growth of their brains was in their hands.
This article and the lessons that followed changed the terms of engagement for students. Many students had
seen school as a place where they performed and were judged, but now they understood that they had an active
role to play in the development of their minds. They got to work, and by the end of the semester the growthmindset group showed a significant increase in their math grades. The control group — the group that had
gotten eight sessions of study skills — showed no improvement and continued to decline. Even though they had
learned many useful study skills, they did not have the motivation to put them into practice.
The teachers, who didn’t even know there were two different groups, singled out students in the growth-mindset
group as showing clear changes in their motivation. They reported that these students were now far more
engaged with their schoolwork and were putting considerably more effort into their classroom learning,
homework, and studying.
Joshua Aronson, Catherine Good, and their colleagues had similar findings (Aronson, Fried, and Good, 2002;
Good, Aronson, and Inzlicht, 2003). Their studies and ours also found that negatively stereotyped students
(such as girls in math, or African-American and Hispanic students in math and verbal areas) showed substantial
benefits from being in a growth-mindset workshop. Stereotypes are typically fixed-mindset labels. They imply
that the trait or ability in question is fixed and that some groups have it and others don’t. Much of the harm that
stereotypes do comes from the fixed-mindset message they send. The growth mindset, while not denying that
performance differences might exist, portrays abilities as acquirable and sends a particularly encouraging
message to students who have been negatively stereotyped — one that they respond to with renewed motivation
and engagement.
Inspired by these positive findings, we started to think about how we could make a growth mindset workshop
more widely available. To do this, we have begun to develop a computer-based program called “Brainology.” In
six computer modules, students learn about the brain and how to make it work better. They follow two hip teens
through their school day, learn how to confront and solve schoolwork problems, and create study plans. They
4
visit a state-of-the-art virtual brain lab, do brain experiments, and find out such things as how the brain changes
with learning — how it grows new connections every time students learn something new. They also learn how
to use this idea in their schoolwork by putting their study skills to work to make themselves smarter.
We pilot-tested Brainology in 20 New York City schools. Virtually all of the students loved it and reported
(anonymously) the ways in which they changed their ideas about learning and changed their learning and study
habits. Here are some things they said in response to the question, “Did you change your mind about anything?”
I did change my mind about how the brain works…I will try harder because I know that the more you try, the
more your brain works.
Yes… I imagine neurons making connections in my brain and I feel like I am learning something.
My favorite thing from Brainology is the neurons part where when u learn something, there are connections
and they keep growing. I always picture them when I’m in school.
Teachers also reported changes in their students, saying that they had become more active and eager learners:
“They offer to practice, study, take notes, or pay attention to ensure that connections will be made.”
What Do We Value?
In our society, we seem to worship talent — and we often portray it as a gift. Now we can see that this is not
motivating to our students. Those who think they have this gift expect to sit there with it and be successful.
When they aren’t successful, they get defensive and demoralized, and often opt out. Those who don’t think they
have the gift also become defensive and demoralized, and often opt out as well.
We need to correct the harmful idea that people simply have gifts that transport them to success, and to teach
our students that no matter how smart or talented someone is — be it Einstein, Mozart, or Michael Jordan — no
one succeeds in a big way without enormous amounts of dedication and effort. It is through effort that people
build their abilities and realize their potential. More and more research is showing there is one thing that sets the
great successes apart from their equally talented peers — how hard they’ve worked (Ericsson, et al., 2006).
Next time you’re tempted to praise your students’ intelligence or talent, restrain yourself. Instead, teach them
how much fun a challenging task is, how interesting and informative errors are, and how great it is to struggle
with something and make progress. Most of all, teach them that by taking on challenges, making mistakes, and
putting forth effort, they are making themselves smarter.
Carol S. Dweck is the Lewis and Virginia Eaton Professor of Psychology at Stanford University and the author
of Mindset: The New Psychology of Success (Random House, 2006).
http://www.nais.org/ismagazinearticlePrint.cfm?print=Y&ItemNumber=150509
5
References
Aronson, J., Fried, C., & Good, C. (2002). Reducing the effects of stereotype threat on African American
college students by shaping theories of intelligence. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 38, 113–125.
Binet, A. (1909/1973). Les idées modernes sur les enfants [Modern ideas on children]. Paris: Flamarion.
Blackwell, L., Trzesniewski, K., & Dweck, C.S. (2007). Implicit Theories of Intelligence Predict Achievement
Across an Adolescent Transition: A Longitudinal Study and an Intervention. Child Development, 78, 246–263.
Cimpian, A., Arce, H., Markman, E.M., & Dweck, C.S. (2007). Subtle linguistic cues impact children’s
motivation. Psychological Science, 18, 314-316.
Dweck, C.S. (2006). Mindset. New York: Random House.
Ericsson, K.A., Charness, N., Feltovich, P.J., & Hoffman, R.R. (Eds.) (2006). The Cambridge Handbook of
Expertise and Expert Performance. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Good, C. Aronson, J., & Inzlicht, M. (2003). Improving adolescents’ standardized test performance: An
Intervention to reduce the effects of stereotype threat. Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology, 24, 645662.
Hong, Y.Y., Chiu, C., Dweck, C.S., Lin, D., & Wan, W. (1999) Implicit theories, attributions, and coping: A
meaning system approach. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 77, 588–599.
Kamins, M., & Dweck, C.S. (1999). Person vs. process praise and criticism: Implications for contingent selfworth and coping. Developmental Psychology, 35, 835–847.
Mangels, J. A., Butterfield, B., Lamb, J., Good, C.D., & Dweck, C.S. (2006). Why do beliefs about intelligence
influence learning success? A social-cognitive-neuroscience model. Social, Cognitive, and Affective
Neuroscience, 1, 75–86.
Mueller, C. M., & Dweck, C. S. (1998). Intelligence praise can undermine motivation and performance. Journal
of Personality and Social Psychology, 75, 33–52.
Nussbaum, A.D., & Dweck, C.S. (2007, in press). Defensiveness vs. Remediation: Self-Theories and Modes of
Self-Esteem Maintenance. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin.
National Association of
Independent Schools
1620 L Street NW Suite 1100
Washington DC, 2003…
Purchase answer to see full
attachment