ETHNIC201 Slavery by Another Name video analysis First essay is a reaction about a video: half page (Minimum) – one page ( Maximum) video link : https://

ETHNIC201 Slavery by Another Name video analysis First essay is a reaction about a video: half page (Minimum) – one page ( Maximum)

video link :

https://www.pbs.org/tpt/slavery-by-another-name/wa… the first video on top

please answer these question in an APA style essay:

The video analyze the contents of video and state how it relates to african american experiences, for example, Slavery, peonage, convict leasing, sharecropping, vagrancy statues, 13th, 14th, 15th amendments.

-What is the indication of the video ?

– What is the contents of the video? Analyze its contents and state how it relates to race/ethnic relations today.please summarize briefly what the video is talking about .

second essay ( APA ) is a reaction about a chapter: half page (Minimum) – one page ( Maximum)

I will attach the book pages in the attachments, I’m sorry that the pages numbers are not organized.

Please I need you to write a chapter reaction paper that should be more than a simple summary of the material. It should include your opinion or reaction to reading the material. This may take on a variety of forms, for instance, you may compare and contrast the work to other related material, or you may hypothesize about ways in which work could be improved. in your opinion is the point of view expressed political, ideological or theoretical? CHAPTER FIVE
Martin Luther King, Jr.:
Apostle of Nonviolence
e Class
gro Proda
an Religia
I refuse to accept the view that mankind is so tragically bound to the
starless midnight of racism and war that the bright daybreak of peace and
brotherhood can never become a reality. . . . I believe that unarmed truth
and unconditional love will have the final word.1
[Martin Luther King, Jr.]
In 1960, my mother bought a television set. … [O]ne day, there appeared
the face of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. At the moment I first saw him, he
was being handcuffed and shoved into a police truck. He had dared to
claim his rights as a native son, and had been arrested. He displayed
no fear, but seemed calm, serene, unaware of his own extraordinary
courage.
. He Was The One, The Hero, The One Fearless Person for
whom we had waited.?
[Alice Walker]
.
Redemptive suffering has always been the part of Martin’s argument
which I found difficult to accept
. I had seen distress fester souls and bend
people’s bodies out of shape, but I had yet to see anyone redeemed from
pain, by pain.
(Maya Angelou]
A HISTORY OF AFRICAN-AMERICAN LEADERSHIP
122
Perspectives: A New Deal for African
1932-1954
Americans? Civil rights and black protest,
or most African Americans, the collapse of the economy after
unemployment figures were vastly out of proportion to their percentage of
the population. In 1933, a National Urban League (NUL) report indicated
that over 17 percent of the black population was on public relief, com
pared to 10 percent of whites. Conditions were equally bad in the North
and the South, but in the southern states, black tenant farmers and share.
croppers slipped ever deeper into debt, and charitable organizations often
refused to aid them. Those organizations traditionally concerned with
black welfare—the Urban League and the National Association for the
Advancement of Colored People (NAACP)—were unable to cope with
the economic emergency produced by the Great Depression. Beginning in
the South Side of Chicago, Illinois, “Jobs-for-Negroes” campaigns organized
boycotts of businesses that did not hire African Americans. Such boycotts
soon spread across the country, but encountered difficulties as white
merchants obtained court injunctions prohibiting black organizations from
picketing their establishments. The Urban League offered its services to
Herbert Hoover, the Republican president; successfully petitioned for the
inclusion of an African American on the President’s Emergency Committee
for Unemployment; and sought a fair share of jobs and relief measures
for African Americans. But with whites now willing to take even the most
menial positions, the league’s emphasis shifted from expanding opportunities
to retaining those low-level jobs blacks already held. Although the Urban
League became more reliant than ever on white philanthropic foundations,
it could do little to improve either the employment status or the
of African Americans during the Depression.
prospects
4
munist party proposed the most enlightened platform
For some, but hardly most, African Americans, the American Com-
on race. When
the Communist party publicized racial injustices and attacked civil rights
groups and black middle-class organizations, several black intellectuals,
with the party to form the National Negro Congress (NNC) in 1936, with
including John P. Davis, Ralph Bunche, and E. Franklin Frazier, joined
labor leader A. Philip Randolph as its first president. Randolph
supposed to deliver organized labor to a broad coalition of black groups
addressing the challenging economic, political, and social problems of that
was
MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR.: APOSTLE OF NONVIOLENCE
123
African
lack protest
time. From the beginning, however, the NNC was plagued by concerns
over group autonomy and by the Communist party’s involvement. The
NNC foundered after the stunning Nazi-Soviet non-aggression pact of
of the economy alte
erate situation. Black
to their percentage
on
JUL) report indicated
public relief, con
ally bad in the North
nt farmers and share
e organizations often
nally concerned with
1 Association for the
unable to cope with
pression. Beginning i
>
campaigns organized
ericans. Such boycots
difficulties as whit
1939, when Randolph and other black leaders withdrew their support.
Randolph asserted that “Negroes cannot afford to add to the handicap
of being black the handicap of being Red.”S
The election of Franklin D. Roosevelt (FDR) as president in 1932,
with his promise of a “New Deal” for the American people at the height
of the Great Depression, raised black hopes and marked a turning point
in the nation’s race relations. Out of gratitude, African Americans began
shedding their traditional loyalty to the Republican party of slave eman-
cipation in favor of FDR’s Democratic party of economic recovery. In
1936, three-fourths of northern blacks voted for Roosevelt’s re-election.
Although New Deal reform policies and governmental agencies were not
free of racial discrimination—and no major piece of civil rights legislation
was adopted during Roosevelt’s long tenure—African Americans shared
in New Deal relief measures, and the administration eventually appointed
black advisers in the major departments. Mary McLeod Bethune was
made director of the Division of Negro Affairs of the National Youth
Administration; William Hastie served in various capacities, including
that of civilian aide to the secretary of war during World War II; and
Robert Weaver was adviser to the Interior Department. Although these
appointments were largely symbolic, they were also the highest positions
held by African Americans in the federal government since the Taft
administration. Despite being the most attractive president to African
Americans since Abraham Lincoln, FDR was a consummate politician.
He was keenly aware that he could not offend white southern sensibilities
on race issues, because he depended on southern Democratic votes in
Congress to win passage of New Deal legislation.
Yet precisely because African Americans did benefit from New Deal
reforms, the established black protest organizations increased pressure
on the government to make government programs in housing, education,
health
, and labor even more responsive to black needs. In 1933, following
an NAACP initiative, various race advancement organizations established
the Joint Committee on National Recovery to fight discriminatory practices
ck organizations te
s from
offered its services in
ully petitioned for the
Emergency Commix
s and relief measuró
to take even the most
xpanding opportuniti
. Although the
nthropic foundation
status or the prospect
the American Ceapa
form on race. We
d attacked civilnih
ral black intellectua
anklin Frazier, ja
(NNC) in 1936. ”
ident. Randolph Tips
lition of black gowe
in federal relief agencies. The emergence of the Congress of Industrial
Organizations (CIO) saw an attempt by the American Federation of Labor
(AF of L) to organize black skilled and unskilled workers into industrial
unions. In response, the NAACP reversed its critical stance toward organized
labor and worked to build an alliance with the CIO. There was also a
rial problemas de
A HISTORY OF AFRICAN-AMERICAN LEADERSHIP
124
work
press
significant increase in the size of the black electorate in the North during
the Great Depresssion, and the mobilization of organizations in the South
prog
billa
U.S. Supreme Court resulted in the gradual ending of discriminatory prac
civil
tions
7
the pay
Ame
New
C
orga
milit
to promote black voter registration. FDR’s judicial appointments to the
tices, such as segregation in interstate transportation and inequalities in
of black and white school teachers,
Eleanor Roosevelt, the president’s wife, also promoted civil rights causes,
In 1938, at the opening session of the Southern Conference for Human
Welfare in Birmingham, Alabama, Mrs. Roosevelt defied a local segregation
ordinance by taking a seat on the “colored” side of the auditorium. The
following year, when the snobbish Daughters of the American Revolution
(DAR) refused to let Marian Anderson, the famed black contralto, per-
form at Constitutional Hall in Washington, D.C., Mrs. Roosevelt resigned
from the DAR, and she and Interior secretary Harold Ickes arranged
for Anderson to give her recital from the steps of the Lincoln Memorial,
which was on federal government land. The hour-long event attracted
75,000 people–though the Roosevelts were not among them and was a
resounding success. NAACP leader Walter White described what happened
when the concert ended: “As the last notes of ‘Nobody Knows the Trouble
I’ve Seen’ faded away the spell was broken by the rush of the ſenthralled]
audience toward Mrs. Anderson, which almost threatened tragedy.” To
explain why U.S. senators, U.S. Supreme Court justices, cabinet secretaries,
military commanders, ambassadors, and ordinary Americans attended this
historic event, historian Raymond Arsenault wrote: “They had come to
see Eleanor Roosevelt’s friend and fellow American, a forty-five-year-old
. who had seemingly done the impossible, reawakening a nation’s
sense of fair play and tolerance with the sound of her voice and the force
of her character.”8
Mon
Ame
240
Sers
Afri
but
cart
Am
in
Ma
to
sac
ner
CII
woman
sti
an
to
A
A
b
Although the New Deal raised black hopes, it failed to satisfy them
fully. A conference sponsored by the National Youth Administration
concluded that the majority of African Americans still faced a high rate
of unemployment, inadequate educational and recreational facilities,
poor health and housing, and the threat of mob violence. A subsequent
conference concluded that certain measures were imperative if there was
to be any meaningful improvement in the status of African Americans.
These steps included federal legislation to outlaw lynching,
disfranchisement, the elimination of discrimination in the federal civil
service, the expansion of low-rent housing, the extension of social security
coverage to domestic and agricultural workers, additional black appoint
an end to
f
ments to federal policy-making bodies, and the expansion of federally-funded
MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR.: APOSTLE OF NONVIOLENCE
125
lectorate in the North dots
of organizations in the air
judicial appointments
nding of discriminatory pre
work-relief programs. In a Crisis editorial, the NAACP commended
president Roosevelt for having included African Americans in New Deal
programs, but condemned his failure to support a federal anti-lynching
civilian life and the armed forces. In March, 1935, the continuing frustra-
tions over unemployment and police brutality led thousands of African
bill and his unwillingness to address persistent racial discrimination in
portation and inequalities
Americans organized by the Young Communist League to riot in Harlem,
New York
9
promoted civil rights canesc
ern Conference for Huma
-elt defied a local segregation
ide of the auditorium. De
of the American Revolution
amed black contralto, per
Mrs. Roosevelt resigned
Fy Harold Ickes arranged
of the Lincoln Memorial
hour-long event attracted
among them—and was a
described what happened
body Knows the Troubt
e rush of the ſenthralled
threatened tragedy.” I
On the eve of American involvement in World War II, black protest
organizations were united in demanding full and equal participation in the
military and an end to discriminatory practices in the defense industries.
More than a quarter million jobs were completely closed to African
Americans, regardless of their qualifications. In the aircraft industry, only
240 of 107,000 workers were black. According to the U.S. Employment
Service, more than half of the war industries refused point-blank to hire
African Americans. The construction industry was desperate for workers,
but adamantly opposed calling any of the 75,000 experienced black
carpenters, electricians, painters, bricklayers, and plasterers. When African
Americans demanded the removal of the color barrier at Boeing Aircraft
in Seattle, Washington, an official for the International Association of
Machinists turned aside the request, commenting, “Labor has been asked
to make many sacrifices in the war and has made them gladly, but this
sacrifice is too great.” After the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, some black
newspapers adopted a more conciliatory tone, arguing that the national
crisis demanded that civil rights agitation should be suspended—or at least
muted—for the duration of the war. More radical leaders disagreed. 10
The March on Washington Movement (MOWM) was the most
striking demonstration of more aggressive trends in black protest thought
and action. The idea of exerting mass pressure on the federal government
to end discrimination in the defense industries did not originate with
A. Philip Randolph’s call for a march on Washington, D.C., in early 1941.
Agitation for mass pressure of some kind had grown since the failure of
black leaders to gain any major concessions from Roosevelt, with protest
tices, cabinet secretaries
Americans attended this
te: “They had come to
an, a forty-five-year-old
reawakening a nation’s
her voice and the force
failed to satisfy them
Youth Administration
still faced a high rate
ecreational facilities
olence. A subsequent
perative if there was
African Americans
lynching,
an end to
in the federal and
on of social security
meetings around the country sponsored by the NAACP and the Committee
for the Participation of Negroes in National Defense. Randolph suggested
that 10,000—later raised to 100,000—African Americans march on the
nation’s capital with the slogan: “We loyal Americans demand the right
The MOWM, which was conceived as an all-black action by and for
African Americans, anticipated the forms of black protest of the 1950s
“11
sonal black appoint-
to work and fight for our country.
1 of federally-funded

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