Feminism movement essay This topic will be “Love- What’s Power Got to Do with It?” Write a minimum two-page paper in response to the following questions:

Feminism movement essay This topic will be “Love- What’s Power Got to Do with It?”

Write a minimum two-page paper in response to the following questions:

Give some opinions about what it means to love people close to us across differences in race, gender, ability, size, sexuality, class, etc., with attention to the dynamics of power and privilege inherent in all of these connections.

In what ways did the event help develop or enrich your understanding of particular course topics(s) such as social identities, intersectionality, activism, LGBTQ+ experience, work or family, media and representation, gendered violence, reproductive rights etc.?

What connections do you make between this event and our women’s studies and any other class materials if relevant? Cite specific examples.

In your opinion, what were the main goals of this event and how successful was it in presenting a relevant picture of the particular issues it covered? What was your overall reaction to the event? 20

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nation’s imagination is one in which the logic of
male domination is intact, whether men are pres
ent in the home or not. The wrongmjn notion of
feminist movement which implied it was anti-male
carried with it the wrongmine assumption that
all female space would necessarily be an enViron..
menc where Patriarchy and sexist thinking would be
absent. Many women, even those involved in femi
nist politics, chose to believe this as well.
There was indeed a great deal of anti-male sen
timent among early feminist activists who were
responding to male domination with anger. It was
that anger at injustice that was the impetus for cre
ating a women’s liberation movement. Early on most
feminist activists (a majority of whom were white)
had their consciousness raised about the nature of
male domination when they were working in anti
classist and anti-racist settings with men who were
telling the world about the importance of freedom
while subordinating the women in their ranks.
Whether it was white women working on behalf of
socialism, black women working on behalf of civil
rights and black liberation, or Native American
women working for indigenotis rights, it was clear
that men wanted to lead, and they wanted women to
follow. Participating in these radical freedom strug
gles awakened the spirit of rebellion and resistance in
progressive females and led them towards contempo
rary women’s liberation.
As contemporary feminism progressed, as women
realized that males were not the only group in our
Society who supported sexist thinking and behavior_
that females could be sexist as well__anti_male senti
ment no longer shaped the movement’s consciousness.
The focus shifted to an all-out effort to create gender
justice. But women could not band together to further
feminism without confronting our sexist thinking.
Sister1ooci could not be powerful as long as women
were competitively at war with one another. Utopian
visions of sisterhd based solely on the awareness of
the reality that all Women were in some way Victim
izeci by male domination were disrupted by discussions
of class and race. Discussions of class differences oc
Curred early on in contemporary feminism, Preceding
FEMINIST POLITICS
discussions of race. Diana Press published revolution..
ary insights about class divisions between women as
early as the mid-’7Os in their collection of essays Class
and Feminisni These discussions did not trivialize the
feminist insistence that “sisterhood is powerful”; they
simply emphasized that we could Only become Sisters
in struggle by confronting the ways Women__througl.i
sex, class, and race_dominated and exploited other
women, and created a Political platform that would
address these differences.
Even though individual black women were active
in contemporary feminist movement from its incep
tion, they were not the individuals who became the
“stars” of the movement, who attracted the attention
of mass media Often individual black women active
in feminist movement were revolutionary feminists
(like many white lesbians). They were already at
odds with reformist feminists who resolutely wanted
to project a vision of the movement as being solely
about women gaining equality with men in the
existing system. Even before race became a talked..
about issue in feminist circles it was clear to black
women (and to their revolutionary allies in struggle)
that they were never going to have equality within
the existing white supremacist capitalist Patriarchy.
Prom its earliest inception feminist move
ment was polarized Reformist thinkers chose to
emphasize gender equality Revolutionary thinkers
did not want simply to alter the existing system so
that women would have more rights. We wanted to
transform that system, to bring an end to patriar
chy and sexism. Since patriarchal mass media was
not interested in the more revolutionary vision, it
never received attention in mainstream press. The
vision of “women’s liberation” which captured and
still holds the public imagination was the one repre
senting women as wanting what men had. And this
was the Vision that was easier to realize. Changes in
our nation’s economy, economic depression, the loss
of jobs, etc., made the climate ripe for our nation’s
citizens to accept the notion of gender equality in
the workforce
Given the reality of racism, it made sense that
ite
wh men were more Willing to consider women


21
they not only
of working-class and poor women,
could serve
ts
righ
se
tho
of
g
ntin
gra
the
patriarchy and its
rights when
ally themselves with the existing
. We
acy
rem
sup
te
whi
g
nin
ntai
mai
selves the right
the interests of
concomitant sexism; they give them
rt
asse
to
an
beg
en
wom
te
whi
are the equals
can never forget that
to lead a double life, one where they
the
at
just
ts
righ
l
civi
r
afte
home when they
their need for freedom
of men in the workforce and at
and
ing
end
was
ion
inat
rim
they have the
point when racial disc
want to be. If they choose lesbianism
males, might have at
k
blac
lly
ecia
esp
the workforce
in
ple,
peo
men
k
h
blac
privilege of being equals wit
h white men.
wit
rce
kfo
wor
the
in
y
c lifestyles
alit
esti
equ
dom
te
tained
while using class power to crea
g primarily on
usin
foc
g
kin
thin
t
inis
no contact
or
fem
e
ist
Reform
where they can choose to have littl
overshadowed
rce
kfo
wor
the
in
men
h
wit
equality
with men.
s of contemporary
notion that
the original radical foundation
Lifestyle feminism ushered in the
rall
ove
l
as
wel
as
rm
refo
for
ed
call
feminism as there
feminism which
there could be as many versions of
be
ld
wou
on
nati
our
that
so
iety
s was being slowly
restructuring of soc
were women. Suddenly the politic
ist.
assumption pre
fundamentally anti-sex
removed from feminism. And the
ed white women,
an’s politics, be
wom
Most women, especially privileg
a
vailed that no matter what
tionary feminist vi
olu
rev
r
side
con
to
could fit femi
even
too
ed
ceas
she conservative or liberal, she
economic power
gain
to
an
beg
sly this way
they
iou
once
sions,
nism into her existing lifestyle. Obv
ically, revo
Iron
e.
ctur
stru
l
socia
ting
eptable be
exis
acc
re
within the
of thinking has made feminism mo
epted and
acc
st
mo
was
g
kin
thin
t
inis
that women can
lutionary fem
cause its underlying assumption is
the
es
circl
se
tho
In
es.
circl
ic
dem
challenging and
embraced in aca
be feminists without fundamentally
pro
ry
theo
t
inis
fem
ary
tion
. for example,
production of revolu
changing themselves or the culture
not
was
ry
theo
that
not
than
inism is a movegressed, but more often
let’s take the issue of abortion. If fem
ame and remains
riving females
dep
,
and
made available to the public. It bec
ion
ment to end sexist oppress
those among us
to
le
ilab
ava
se
our
disc
ist oppression,
ed
sex
ileg
of
a priv
of reproductive rights is a form
and usually
ted,
uca
l-ed
wel
,
rate
lite
feminist. A
hly
hig
be
who are
then one cannot be anti-choice and
t Theory:
inis
fem
like
rks
Wo
ed.
ileg
to have an
priv
ose
cho
materially
woman can insist she would never
ry vision
rato
fibe
a
offer
that
er
Cent
to
t of the right of
from Margin
abortion while affirming her suppor
eam
nstr
mai
ve
recei
er
nev
ion
mat
ocate of feminist
of feminist transfor
women to choose and still bean adv
this
of
rd
hea
not
have
ple
peo
on and an advo
attention. Masses of
politics. She cannot be anti-aborti
do
they
e;
sag
mes
its
cted
e can be no such
book. They have not reje
cate of feminism. Concurrently ther
vision of power
the
if
not know what the message is.
thing as “power feminism”
nstream white
exploitation and
While it was in the interest of mai
the
evoked is power gained through
press vision
sup
to
hy
iarc
patr
ist
ital
t
cap
acis
suprem
oppression of others.
not anti-male or
tum because
ary feminist thinking which was
feminist politics is losing momen
be like
to
t
righ
the
en
wom
ing
gett
h
clear definitions.
concerned wit
the feminist movement has lost
ce
silen
to
er
eag
also
were
ts
inis
aim them. Let’s
men, reformist fem
We have those definitions. Let’s recl
r
thei
ame
bec
m
inis
fem
ist
have T-shirts and
these forces. Reform
share them. Let’s start over. Let’s
of
free
ak
bre
ld
cou
y
The
-hop music,
route to class mobility.
per stickers and postcards and hip
bum
selfre
mo
be
and
rce
kfo
s, ads everywhere
male domination in the wor
television and radio commercial
ile sexism did
Wh
es.
styl
r
life
thei
in
g
nin
printed material
rmi
of
dete
and billboards, and all manner
dom within
free
r
thei
ze
imi
max
ld
cou
We can share
,
they
m.
nor end
that tells the world about feminis
nt on there
cou
ld
cou
they
.
And
tem
sys
ting
that feminism is a
the exis
the simple yet powerful message
women
ed
inat
ord
sub
ed
loit
exp
of
class
er
ion. Let’s start there.
being a low
movement to end sexist oppress
ac
By
do.
to
sing
refu
were
k
they
to do the dirty wor
Let the movement begin again.
subordination
cepting and indeed colluding with the
Sexuality Studies
ion to Women’s, Gender and
Mapping the field: An Introduct

A/tan Johnson

PATRIARCHY, THE SYSTEM
“When you say patriarchy” a man complained from
the rear of the audience, “I know what you really
mean—me!” A lot of people hear “men” whenever
someone says “patriarchy,” so that criticism of male
privilege and the oppression of women is taken to
mean that all men—each and every one of them—
are oppressive people.
Some of the time, men feel defensive because they
identify with patriarchy and its values and do not
want to face the consequences these produce or the
prospect of giving up male privilege. But defensive
ness can also reflect a common confusion about the
difference between patriarchy as a kind of society
and the people who participate in it, If we are ever
going to work toward real change, it is a confusion
we will have to clear up.
To do this, we have to begin by realizing that
we are stuck in a model of social life that views
everything as beginning and ending with individ
uals, Looking at things in this way, the tendency is
to think that if bad things happen in the world and
if the bad thing is something big, it is only because
there are bad people who have entered into some
kind of Conspiracy. Racism exists, then, because
White people are racist bigots who hate members of
racial and ethnic minorities and want to do them
harm. The Oppression of women happens because
men want and like to dominate women and act out
hostility toward them, There is poverty and class

oppression because people in the upper classes are
greedy, heartless, and cruel.
The flip side of this individualistic model of guilt
and blame is that race, gender, and class oppression
are actually not oppression at all but merely the sum
of individual failings on the part of people of color,
women, and people living in poverty, who lack the
right stuff to compete successfully with whites, men,
and others who know how to make something of
themselves.
What this kind of thinking ignores is that we are
all participating in something larger than ourselves
or any collection of us. On some level, most people
are familiar with the idea that social life involves us
in something larger than ourselves, but few seem to
know what to do with that idea. Blaming everything
on ‘the system’ strikes a deep chord in many people,1
but it also touches on a basic misunderstanding of
social life, because blaming the system (presum
ably society) for our problems doesn’t take the next
step to understanding what that might mean. What
exactly is a system and how could it run our lives?
Do we have anything to do with shaping it, and if
so, how? How do we participate in patriarchy, and
how does that link us to the consequences? How
is what we think of as normal life related to male
privilege, women’s oppression, and the hierarchical,
control-obsessed world in which everyone’s lives are
embedded?
excerpted, he transitioned from academe to public speaking working as a diversity
trainer in corporations, including IBM, GE, and BankBoscon.
and fiction, following the publication of The Gender Knot, from which this article is
interested in social justice through unraveling privileges tied to gender, race, and
class, He is the author of eight books and several essays that span nonfiction, memoir,
Allan Johnson is a cultural critic, novelist, sociologist, public speaker, and blogger
An It, Not a He, A Them, or an Us (2014)
PATRIARCHy, THE SYSTEM:
2.
Johnson
23

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