Long Fetch History: Lou Hamer and Malcolm X Social Justice Essay 1. Describe and analyze how the long fetch of history influenced the particular vision of

Long Fetch History: Lou Hamer and Malcolm X Social Justice Essay 1. Describe and analyze how the long fetch of history influenced the particular vision of human freedom and social justice that Fannie Lou Hamer and Malcolm X developed.2. It
should be about 1000 words in length.
3.You can only use the resources( references) that I attached in files which are two books, ” For Freedom’s Sake” and “Malcolm X speaks” . MALCOLM X
SPEAKS
MALCOLM X
SPEAKS
SELECTED SPEECHES
AND STATEMENTS
Edited with Prefatory notes by
GEORGE BREITMAN
London
SECKER & WARBURG
(!c,i_i
Copyright © 1965 by Merit Publishers
First published in England 1966 by
Martin Seeker & Warburg Limited
14 Carlisle Street, Soho Square, W.1.
The publisher acknowledges with gratitude the permission
of the following companies and individuals to use in this
book materials by Malcolm X:
Afro-American Broadcasting Co., Detroit, for “Message to
the Grass Roots” and an interview by Milton Henry in
Cairo.
Pierre Berton Show, CFI’O-TV, Toronto, Canada, for ex­
cerpts from a programme taped on January 19, 1965.
The Militant, for speeches printed in its issues of April 27,
1964, June 8, 1964, January 25, 1965 and May 24, 1965.
Radio Station WBAI-FM, New York City, for excerpts from
an interview on January 28, 1965.
Radio Station WINS, New York City, for the concluding
section of the Contact programme of February 18, 1965.
Village Voice, for excerpts from the February 25, 1965
article by Marlene Nadle, “Malcolm X: The Complexity of
a Man in the Jungle”.
Young Socialist, for excerpts from an interview in the
March April 1965 is�ue.
Frontispiece: Malcolm X, Militant Photo by Finer.
Printed in Great Britain by Fletcher & Son Ltd, Norwich
FOREWORD
Malcolm Little was born in Omaha, Nebraska, on
May 19, 1925. A dropout from school at 15, he was
convicted of burglary and sent to prison in his twenty­
first year. There he was converted to the Nation of Islam
(Black Muslims). When he left prison in 1952, he dedi­
cated himself to building the Black Muslims, and adopted
the name, Malcolm X. He withdrew from that movement
in March, 1964, organizing first the Muslim Mosque, Inc.,
and later the non-religious Organization of Afro-American
Unity. He made two trips to Africa and the Middle East
during 1964. Three months after his return to the United
States, he was assassinated in New York on February
21, 1965. His own story of his life is recounted in The
Autobiography of Malcolm X.
*
All
*
*
This book is a selection of speeches by Malcolm X.
of them were made during the last year of his life
(except for the first selection, made shortly before his
departure from the Black Muslim movement). With that
exception, it ranges in time from his declaration of in­
dependence on March 12, 1964, to his death. It represents
only a small portion of the speeches and interviews he
gave during that period in the United States, Africa,
the Middle East and Europe. It does not attempt to deal
with Malcolm’s assassination.
The aim of this book is to present, in his own words,
the major ideas Malcolm expounded and defended during
his last year. We feel that this aim is largely fulfilled by
the speeches and other material included here, even though
not all of his speeches were available to us. Convinced
that Malcolm will be the subject of much study and
many controversies in the years to come- by activists
in the black freedom struggle as well as historians,
viii
Malcolm X Speaks
scholars and students- we believe that the present book
will serve as an invaluable source of material for their
1
studies and disputes, and that it will correct, at least
‘ partially, some misconceptions about one of the most
misunderstood and misrepresented men of our time.
Malcolm was primarily a speaker, not a writer. The
only things in this book written by him are his memo­
randum to the Organization of African Unity in Cairo
and some letters. The printed speeches do not convey
adequately his remarkable qualities as a speaker, their
effect on his audiences and the interplay between him
and them. We would have preferred to publish a series
of long-playing record albums presenting this material
in his own voice, with its tones of indignation and anger,
with its chuckles, and with the interru ptions of applause
and laughter from the audience. (We counted almost 150
such interruptions by the audience in the tape of a single
speech, “The Ballot or the Bullet.”) Since we lack the
resources and time to publish and distribute such record­
ings and since the cost would limit the number of people
who could buy them, we are doing the next best thing.
In editing, we have made only such changes as any
speaker wquld make in preparing his speeches for print,
and such as we believe Malcolm would have made himself.
That is, we have corrected slips of the tongue and minor
grammatical lapses which are unavoidable in most speech­
es given extemporaneously or from brief notes. Since
we sought to avoid repetitions, common to speakers who
speak as often as Malcolm did, we have omitted sections
that were repeated or paraphrased in other speeches in­
cluded here. Omissions of this kind are indicated by three
periods (. . . ) .
The explanatory notes accompanying the speeches
are intended primarily to indicate where and when they
were given, w ith a minimum of interpretative or editorial
comment. The reader is urged to bear in mind through­
out the book that Malcolm’s ideas were developing with
rapidity and that certain positions he took in the first two
months after his break with the Black Muslims under­
went further change in the last months of his life.
-G.B.
CONTENTS
I. M ES SAGE TO THE GRASS ROOTS
(Detroit, November 10, 1963)
Why we catch hell – Need for black unity – The
Bandung Conference – The Negro revolution and
the black revolution – What revolution is – Swing­
ing; not singing – White nationalism and black
revolution – The house Negro and the field Negro
The government, not our government – Peaceful
suffering – The march on Washington – Kennedy
and the Big Six – A parade with clowns . . . . . . .
–
3
II. A DE C LARATION OF INDEPENDENCE
(New York, March 12, 1964)
Statement to press conference
III.
.
. . . . . . . . . . . . .
18
THE BAL LOT OR THE BUL L ET
(Cleveland, April 3, 1964)
He happens to be white – If ypu fight here, you ’11
know why – Not a diner – American nightmare,
not dream – Your wasted vote – Giant con game
– Democrats and Dixiecrats – A government con­
spiracy – A new interpretation – It takes two to
tango – How this country got rich – Kill that dog!
– Unless you run into some nonviolence – Civil
righ ts and human rights – The Atlanta restaurant
– Korean War- Atomic stalemate – Guerrilla warfare – Political, economic and social philosophy A lesson from Billy Graham – Black nationalist
party or army – What segregation is – On rifles
and shotguns – Free elections in Cuba and here Strange vegetation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
23
Malcolm X Speaks
X
IV.
T H E B LA CK REVOLUTION
(New York, AprilS, 1964)
When someone yells fire- Population explosion Fears of social change – The fuse and the powder
keg- A new generation – Learning from George
Washington- The most corrupt system – Integra­
tionists and separationists – American stage a white
stage- A part of dark mankind- The white man
is a m inority – How whites can help – Take it to
United Nations – South Africa and the U. S. – A
cracker president – America can have a bloodless
revolution – Balance of power . .
. . .
.
.
V.
.
.
.
.
.
.
Nigeria – Accra,
58
T H E HARLEM “HATE-GANG” SCAR E
(New York, May 29, 1964)
Travel broadens scope – Curiosity about socialism
– Should “Blood Brothers” exist? – Black man in
police state – An occupying army – Not here to
apologize – The odds in China, Cuba and Algeria
– The chicken and the duck egg – Capitalism,
racism and socialism- Negroes must unite first . . .
VII.
45
L ETTE R S F R OM ABROAD
(April-May, 1964)
Jedda, Saudi Arabia- Lagos,
Ghana . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . .
VI.
.
64
APPEAL TO AFRICAN HEAD S OF STATE
(Cairo, Egypt, July 17, 1964)
Memorandum submitted to conference of the Organi­
zation of African Unity – An interview on the banks
of the Nile- Impact on Mrica: Testimony from
SN CC leaders and from Washington . . . . . . . . . .
VIII.
AT T HE AUDDBON
13, 1964)
(New York, December
Unveiling a black revolutionary – The Congo and
72.
xi
Conumts
Mississ ippi- Keeping an open mind – The woman
– When
on the p lane – The press and its images
Tshombe­
n
a
i
r
a
t
i
n
a
m
u
h
mes
m
ng
beco
bo bi
Peace prizes- Criminals and victims – Talking
about the m an- Mercenaries and hostages – The
little black goat – Dick Gregory – The revolution
in Zanzibar – President Nyerere in Cairo – Mes­
sage from Che Guevara- Sheik Babu of Tanzania
Reward for a
All those fine decorations
if
.
.
sher f .
_
.
IX.
.
·
·
·
·
·
·
·
·
·
·
·
·
·
·
·
·
·
·
·
·
·
·
88
WIT H MRS. FANNIE LOU HAM ER
(New York, December 20, 1964)
Freedom Singers and Oginga Odinga – Greatest
freedom fighter in Africa- Speak language the man
understands – Give them an alternative – Sadness
and anger – The language of brutes – If one room
is dirty – Northern crackers – The Atlantic City
Convention – All out of the same plate – Only one
way to be free – Jesus with a sword – As valuable
as a white man’s freedom – Brothers, equipped,
qualified arid willing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
105
.
X. AT THE AUDUBON
(New York, December 20, 1964)
Salaam Alaikum – Different patterns of struggleProgram and objective – Twentieth-century Toms Talk about “separation” – We want to get out of
control- We’ll do it the American way – How we
came here – The East-West struggle – Socialistic
systems abroad – Martin Luther King and Scandi­
navia – Africa’s strategic position – African in­
dependence and the European economy – The gate­
wa y to South Africa – The Aswan Dam- Religion
in the Egyptian revolution – Motive behind world
revolution – Identifying with African bloc – Non­
alignment in Africa and here- Mrs . Fannie Lou
Hamer- Don’t be ashamed of Mau Mau- “It’s you
or m e – Tit for tat – Liberals, get you a sheet . . .
115
”
Malcolm X Speaks
xii
XI. TO MISSISSIPPI YOUTH
(New York, December 3 1, 1964)
Think for yourself – How much nonviolence in
Harlem?- Change since 1939 – The draft in 1940
– Same type of Negro leaders – Cycle broken some­
what – Not for moral reasons – Pressure from
outside – Seeds of division- Greatest accomplish­
ments of 1964 – Not alone in Mississippi – Not
trying to incite – Like a knot on the wall – What
preceding generation did- Stay radical long enough
– Not hate, but sense- No interpretation necessary
l·
. . . . .
.
.
XII.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
137
PRO SPECTS FOR FREEDOM IN 1965
(New York, January 7, 1965)
One of best newspapers – Defining freedom- Prog­
ress in Africa – Vietnam struggle continues – Civil
war in Congo – Wrong is wrong- China’s atomic
bomb – Power recognizes only power- The Year
of Promise – Letting off steam – Civil-rights bill
– The gimmick for ’65 – Apologists in Africa The Harlem “riot” – The miracle of 1964 – Rather
be dead – Explosion inevitable – The presidential
election- Door closed in face – Old methods and
147
new .. .
X I II. AFTER THE BOMBING
(Detroit, February 14, 1965)
Home bombed- Confidence not lost- Excuse ap­
pearance – Africans organize, Afro-Americans lol­
lygag – Starting the OAA U – Power structure
international – Time to be cool and time to be hot
– They do know what they do – “Racism in reverse”
– Causes of the Harlem “riot” – Why news is suppressed – Gas chambers possible – Making us hate
ourselves – From colonialism to dollarism – Hole
of Black Muslims – Secret of growth – Robert
Kennedy and Governor Barnett – Tokenism ·
Contents
xiii
Solution needed for masses
The Newsweek poll
Regret Black Muslim situation – Practice of
brotherhood . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157
–
_
XIV.
CONFRONTATION WITH AN “EXPERT”
(New York, February 18, 1965)
Final portion of “Contact,” a radio phone-in program
featuring panel discussion by Malcolm X, Gordon
178
Hall and Stan Bernard. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
XV.
LA ST ANSWER S AND INTERVIEWS
A con man? – Not afraid of investigation – On
racism- I ntermarriage and a black state- The
man you think you are- How to organize the peo­
ple – Dollarism and capitalism- The police com­
missioner- Public notice to Rockwell- On politics
– Slumlords and anti-Semitism- Militant whites and
blacks – Advice to a nonviolent heckler – On going
back to Africa – On black nationalism – The
American ambassador – The Red Chinese ambas­
sador – Nature of coming world showdown
A
global revolution – Linking the problem- Moise
Tshombe and Jesse James – Two minutes on Viet­
nam- The Congo, Cuba and law – The role of
young people – Working with other groups- Ac­
tions worthy of support- The John Brown school
194
– His own mouth, his own mind . . . . . . . . . . . .
–
MALCOLM X
SPEAKS
I. MESSAGE TO THE GRASS ROOTS
In late 1963, the Detroit Council for Human Rights
announced a Northern Negro Leadership Conference to
be held in Detroit on Novembe1· 9 and 10. When the
council’s chairman, Rev.
C.
L. Franklin, sought to ex­
clude black nationalists and ·Freedom Now Party advo­
cates from the conference, Rev. Albert B. Cleage, Jr. ,
resigned from the council and, in collaboration with the
Group On Advanced Leadership (GOAL), arranged for
a Northern Negro Grass Roots Leadership Conference.
This was held in Detroit at the same time as the more
conservative gathering, which was addressed by Congress­
man Adam Clayton Powell among others. The two-day
Grass Roots conference was climaxed by a large public
rally at the
King
Solomon Baptist Church, with Rev.
Cleage, journalist William Worthy and Malcolm X as the
chief speakers.
The audience, almost all black and with
non-Muslims in the great majority, interrupted Malcolm
with applause and laughter so often that he asked it to
desist because of the lateness of the hour.
A few weeks after the conference, President Kennedy
was assassinated and Elijah Muhammad
colm X.
This is, therefore, one of the
Malcolm gave before leaving Muhammad’s
It is the only specimen of his speeches as
silenced Mal­
last speeches
organization.
a Black Mus­
lim included in this book. But it is not a typical Black
Muslim speech. Even though Malcolm continued to preface
certain statements with the phrase, “The Honorable Elijah
Muhammad says,” he was increasingly, in the period
before the split, giving his own special stamp to the Black
Muslims’ ideas, including the idea of separation. The
e mphasis of this speech is considerably different from
earlier ones of the type included in Louis E. Lomax’s
book, When the Word Is Given. . . .
4
Malcolm X Speaks
The following selection consists of about one-half of
the speech. The long·playing record, “Message to the Grass
Roots by Malcolm X,” published by the Afro-American
Broadcasting and Recording Company, Detroit, is vastly
superior
to the
written text in conveying the style and
personality of Malcolm at his best- when he was speaking
to a militant black audience.
We want to have just an off·the·cuff chat between you
and me,
us.
We want to talk right down to e arth in a
language that everybody here can easily understand. We
all agree tonight,
all of the speakers have agreed, that
America has a very serious problem. Not only does Amer­
ica have a very serious problem, but vur people have a
very serious problem. America’s problem is us. We’re her
problem. The only reason she has a problem is she
doesn’t want us here. And every time you look at yourself,
be you black, brown, red or yellow, a so-called Negro,
you represent a person who poses such a serious problem
for America because you’re not wanted. Once you face this
as a fact, then you can start pl otting a course that will
make you appear intelligent, instead of unintelligent.
What
you
and
I
need to;1do is learn to forget our
differences. When we come together, we don’t come together
as Baptists or Methodists.
You don’t catch hell because
you’re a Baptist, and you don’t catch hell because you’re
a. Methodist. You don’t catch hell because you’re a Metho.
dist
or
Baptist,
you don’t catch hell because you’re a
Democrat or a Republican, you don’t catch hell because
you’re a M ason or an Elk, and you sure don’t catch hell
because
you’re
an
American;
because
if
you were an
American, you wouldn’t catch hell. You catch hell because
you’re a black man. You catch hell, all of us catch hell,
for the same reason.
So we’re all black people, so-called Negroes, second­
class· citizens, ex·slaves.
You’re nothing but. an ex·slave.
You don’t like to be told that. But what else are you? You
are ex·slaves. You didn’t come here on the “M ayflower.”
You came here on a slave ship. In chains, like a horse, or
a cow, or a chicken. And you were brought here by the
5
Message to the Gross Root8
people
who
brought
came
here by
here
the
on
the
so-called
“Mayflower,”
you were
Pilgrims,
Founding
or
Fathers. They were the ones who brought you here.
We have a common enemy. We have this in common:
We have a common oppressor, a common exploiter, and
a common discriminator. :tlut once we all realize that we
have a common enemy, then we unite-on the basis of
what we have in common. And what we have foremost in
common is that enemy-the white man. He’s an enemy to
all of us. I know some of you all think that some of them
aren’t
enemies.
Time will telL
In Bandung back in, I think, 1954, was the first unity
meeting in centuries of black people. And once you study
what happened at the Bandung conference; and the results
of the Bandung conference, it actually serves as a model
for
the
same procedure
you and I can use to get our
problems solved. At Bandung all the nations came to�
gether, the dark nations from Africa and Asia. Some of
them were Buddhists, some of them were M uslims, some
of them were Christians, some were Confucianists, some
were atheists. Despite their religious differences, they came
together.
Some were
communists, some were socialists,
some were capitalists-despite their economic and political
differences, they came together. All of them were black,
brown, red or yellow.
The number·one thing that was not allowed to attend
the Bandung conference was the white man. He cbuldn’t
come. Once t hey excluded the white man, they found that
they could get together. Once they kept him out, everybody
else fell right in and fell in line. This is the thing that you
and I have to understand. And these people who came to­
gether didn’t have nuclear weapons, they didn’t have jet
planes, they didn’t have all of the heavy armaments that
the white man has. But they h ad unity.
They were able to submerge their little petty differences
and agree on one thing: That there one African came from
Kenya and was being colonized by the Englishman, and
another
African came from the Congo and was being
colonized by the Belgian, and another African came from
Guinea and was being colonized by the French, and an­
other came from Angola and was being colonized by the
6
Malcolm
X Speaks
Portuguese. When they came to the Bandung conference,
they looked at the Portuguese, and at the Frenchman, and
at the Englishman, and at the DutChman, and learned or
realized the one thing that all of them had in common they were all from Europe, they were all Europeans, blond,
blue-eyed and white skins. They began to recognize who
their enemy was. The same man that was colonizing our
people in Kenya was colonizing our people in the Congo.
The same one in the Congo was colonizing our people in
South Africa, and in Southern Rhodesia, and in Burma,
and in India, and in Afghanistan, and in Pakistan. They
realized all over the world where the dark man was being
oppressed, he was being oppressed by the white man;
where the dark man was being exploited, he was being
exploited by the white man. So they got together on this
basis- that they had a common enemy.
And when you and I here in Detroit and in Michigan
and
in
America
who have been awakened today look
arou…
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