SOC312 ASU Media Influence On Teenage Sexuality Research Paper Hello I have uploaded two documents one is the assignemt and the other is an article. Discus
SOC312 ASU Media Influence On Teenage Sexuality Research Paper Hello I have uploaded two documents one is the assignemt and the other is an article. Discussion Board 4 – 20 points
Original post DUE by Wednesday
2 Peer Responses DUE by Friday
Please watch the documentary below titled “Sext Up KIDS”. The discussion shifts from children
to teenagers at the 10-minute mark. You may start there or watch the documentary in its
entirety. It is heavily one-sided so to offer a balance, please also read “Media Influence on
Teenage Sexuality is Exaggerated”. For this DB, answer the following questions:
Do you believe media (literary, broadcast, social, etc.) has a direct and significant influence on
teenage sexuality? Why or why not? Provide a positive and negative example of the media
influence on teenage sexuality. Make sure to support your claims with at least one course
material and one credible outside source.
Watch the Youtube video:
https://youtu.be/Ar31mJjvKxo
Read the article:
Steinberg, L. & Monahan, K. C. (2012). Media influence on teenage sexuality is
exaggerated. Retrieved from
http://link.galegroup.com.ezproxy1.lib.asu.edu/apps/doc/EJ3010166262/OVIC?u=asuni
v&sid=OVIC&xid=8a815789
DB Checklist
Before you submit, did you…
Review the DB Guidelines and Rubric
Review feedback from previous DBs
Write a cohesive (at least) 300-word response to the prompt above
Include 1 course reference
Include 1 credible, outside source
Include a thought-provoking question
Use in-text citations
Include a reference list
Proof-read your work
Remember to come back to complete peer responses
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Media Influence on Teenage Sexuality Is Exaggerated
Teenage Sexuality. 2012.
COPYRIGHT 2012 Greenhaven Press, a part of Gale, Cengage Learning
Full Text:
Article Commentary
Laurence Steinberg and Kathryn C. Monahan, “Adolescents’ Exposure to Sexy Media Does Not Hasten the Initiation of Sexual Intercourse,”
Developmental Psychology, August 2, 2010, pp. 1-2, 9-14. Copyright © 2010 by American Psychological Association. All rights reserved.
Reproduced by permission.
“We found no accelerating or hastening effect of exposure to sexy media content on sexual debut.”
Laurence Steinberg is a professor in the Department of Psychology at Temple University. Kathryn C. Monahan is affiliated with the
Social Development Research Group in the School of Social Work at the University of Washington. In the following viewpoint, the
authors report on a study they conducted about the impact of media with sexual content on adolescent sexual behavior. Two recent
studies linking early sexual activity among teens as a result of exposure to sexual content in the media have caused alarm among
parents and medical professionals. Steinberg and Monahan claim that the results of these surveys may be flawed because of their
assumption that media exposure causes early sexual activity. Instead, the authors suggest, a link between certain types of media and
sexual activity may be the result of a propensity among some youth to seek out sexual media content. To support their hypothesis,
Steinberg and Monahan use data from the same studies to show that there is no evidence linking initiation of sexual intercourse with
exposure to sexual images in media.
As you read, consider the following questions:
1. According to the authors, which medium provides the most explicit and frequent sexual imagery to teens?
2. In the authors’ view, for what reasons are adult concerns about the adverse impact of adolescents’ exposure to sexual content in the media
understandable?
3. List three well-established risk factors for early sexual activity.
American adolescents are bombarded with sexual imagery in television programs, films, music videos and on the Internet. According to recent
analyses, some form of sexual content (including talking about sex, passionate kissing, intimate touching, and explicit sexual intercourse) appears
in 70% of all television programs, with sexual talk appearing in 68% of shows (at a rate exceeding four scenes per hour) and sexual behavior in
35% of shows (at a rate of two scenes per hour). Implied sexual intercourse is portrayed in 11% of all television shows. The presence of sexual
content is even higher in prime-time shows (six scenes per hour) and higher still in the shows most watched by teenagers (nearly seven scenes per
hour). Sexual content on television is thought to have increased substantially over the past decade. Although comparably large-scale systematic
analyses of sexual content in media other than television have not been conducted (in part because the sheer number of songs, films, and Internet
sites available at any point in time is so large), smaller scale studies of these other media indicate that adolescents’ exposure to sexual imagery is
even more common in music lyrics than in television programs, and comparable in film and television.
Concerns About the Impact of Media on Adolescent Sexual Health
The high frequency with which entertainment media contain sexual content is of particular interest to those interested in the health of adolescents,
for at least two reasons. First, adolescents are voracious consumers of mass media, with the average teenager exposed to mass media for 6 hours
each day; when multitasking is taken into account, this figure increases to 8 hours. Among early adolescents (11-14 years), television accounts for
about 40% of this exposure, and film and other prerecorded videos (some of which are prerecorded television programs) account for another 10%
or so; among older teenagers (15-18 years), the two media account for about 40% combined.
Second, a good deal of adolescents’ sexual behavior puts their health at risk. A substantial portion of adolescents fail to use condoms, exposing
themselves to the risks of pregnancy and sexually transmitted infections (STIs). This problem is especially severe among younger teenagers, who,
if sexually active, are less likely to practice safe sex than their older counterparts. Despite considerable efforts to educate American teenagers about
the dangers of unsafe sex, the United States still has one of the highest rates of teen pregnancy in the world, and in recent years, the rate of teen
childbearing in the United States has risen. The United States also has one of the highest rates of STIs in the world, with adolescents comprising
one of the highest risk groups. One analysis estimates that the treatment of new cases of STIs among young adolescents costs American taxpayers
$6.5 billion annually.
Assumptions That Exposure to Mass Media Affects Sexual Activity
It is widely assumed that adolescents’ exposure to sexual content in the mass media influences their sexual activity and may contribute to sexual
risk taking. Portrayals of sexual activity in mass media favored by teenagers often show the emotional and social consequences of sexual activity
(e.g., guilt, disappointment), but less frequently show adverse physical consequences (e.g., pregnancy, STIs). In light of this, and in view of the
amount of mass media teenagers are exposed to and the proportion of that exposure that contains sexual content, it is reasonable to think that risky
sexual behavior (early sex, unprotected sex, or promiscuous sex) results in part from the impact of mass media on adolescents’ attitudes, beliefs,
and behavior.
Many studies have documented a correlation between exposure to sexy media and sexual behavior. These studies, however, are limited in the sorts
of causal inferences one can draw from them, because it is eminently plausible that interest in sex leads to exposure to sexy media (referred to as
differential selection), rather than the reverse (referred to as socialization). To address these inferential limitations, several recent studies have
examined this issue with longitudinal data, studying the over-time impact of media exposure on sexual activity after taking into account
characteristics of adolescents that may predispose them to sexy media exposure (e.g., demographic factors, motives to have sex). Two widely cited
studies of this type are those of [R.L.] Collins et al. (2004), which examined the effects of exposure to televised sexual content, and [J.] Brown et
al. (2006), which examined the effects of exposure to sexual content in the adolescent’s entire media diet (television, music, movies, and
magazines). Both studies reported that exposure to sexy media content increases the likelihood of sexual activity and, importantly, hastens the
initiation of sexual intercourse….
Many Studies Inaccurately Find a Causal Connection
Adults’ concern about the potential adverse impact of adolescents’ exposure to sexual content on television, in movies, in magazines, and in music
lyrics is understandable, given the amount of sexual content these mass media present, the amount of time teenagers spend exposed to them, and
the continuing high rates of unwanted pregnancy and STIs among American youth. Many scientists, professionals, and health care practitioners
have alerted parents to the potential dangers of exposure to sexy media and have called on the entertainment industry to change its behavior, citing
studies that show a significant relationship between sexy media exposure and adolescents’ sexual behavior (e.g., American Academy of Pediatrics,
2006). These studies, in turn, draw considerable media attention and generate substantial public interest. According to the website of the American
Academy of Pediatrics, “the recognized leader among medical organizations on the issue of media effects on health” ([M.] Rich, 2005), the Collins
et al. (2004) study of sexy media exposure and adolescent sexual activity was one of the 10 most frequently read articles in Pediatrics, the
association’s journal, 5 years after the article’s initial publication (American Academy of Pediatrics, 2009).
The authors of these studies make strong assertions that imply a causal relationship, as was the case in the specific study whose data are reanalyzed
in this report. Although Brown et al. (2006) were admirably cautious in the concluding paragraphs of their article (e.g., “All of the possible
alternative explanations for early sexual behavior were not included in this analysis”), the title of their article (“Sexy Media Matter: Exposure to
Sexual Content in Music, Movies, Television, and Magazines Predicts Black and White Adolescents’ Sexual Behavior”) implies a causal link
between media exposure and sexual activity (i.e., that the former predicts the latter) as does the article’s abstract: “Exposure to sexual content in
music, movies, television, and magazines accelerates [emphasis added] white adolescents’ sexual activity and increases their risk of engaging in
early sexual intercourse.” Collins et al. (2004), who used a statistical approach that is similar to that employed by Brown et al. and is characterized
by the same limitations on the drawing of causal conclusions (but who declined to make their data available for reanalysis), nevertheless write in
their abstract that “watching sex on TV predicts and may hasten [emphasis added] adolescent sexual initiation” and go so far as to suggest
ways that parents might “reduce the effects [emphasis added] of sexual content” on their adolescent children.
Analysis Finds No Causal Relationship
The present analysis suggests that parents may have less to worry about than these studies suggest. In our reanalysis of the data used by Brown et
al. (2006), we found that using a more stringent approach to accounting for differential selection undoes any apparent effect of sexy media
exposure on adolescents’ initiation of sexual intercourse. That is, we found no accelerating or hastening effect of exposure to sexy media content
on sexual debut once steps were taken to ensure that adolescents with and without high media exposure were matched on their propensity to be
exposed to media with sexual content. We note, however, that our analysis focused only on the impact of sexy media exposure on the initiation of
intercourse and not on the impact of media exposure on already sexually active teenagers, a question we could not address because the study
included too few adolescents who were non-virgins at baseline. We share with many health care practitioners and health educators their concerns
over the high rate of unsafe sex among American adolescents. Whether exposure to sexy media impacts condom use or other safe-sex practices
among sexually active adolescents remains a question for future research.
Although one can never formally accept the null hypothesis—here, proving that sexy media exposure has no impact—our analysis of the same
data set used by Brown et al. (2006) gives us added confidence that our failure to replicate their findings is not due to a lack of statistical power or
to the use of different measures. And although we dropped a small number of subjects from our analyses who were included in the original
analyses (and whom we dropped because they were already sexually experienced at baseline), our failure to replicate the Brown et al. findings is
not due to this, because we were able to replicate their earlier findings with this slightly reduced sample. Rather, the difference between the
findings is entirely attributable to our employing a more stringent method to control for differences between adolescents who do and do not expose
themselves to sexy media content. Whether comparable reanalyses of data from other studies, employing different measures and samples but more
conservative controls for differential selection, would yield similar conclusions awaits further study and the willingness of other researchers to
make their data available for secondary analysis.
Most developmental scientists agree that it is important to distinguish between sexual activity that is initiated prior to age 16, which does not have
negative correlates, and sexual activity that begins later in development. Because precocious sexual activity may be associated with problematic
functioning, and because younger adolescents are less likely to practice safe sex than their older peers, it is important to understand the factors that
predict early sexual activity. Some factors, such as parental permissiveness, parent-adolescent conflict, and having sexually active friends are wellestablished risk factors for early sexual debut. Others, such as exposure to sexy media, are factors often believed to influence adolescents to start
having sex but that, on closer inspection, may not actually have this effect. It is easy to point our collective finger at the entertainment industry, but
it is likely that the most important influences on adolescents’ sexual behavior may be closer to home than to Hollywood.
Books
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Periodicals
Bill Albert “Parental Influence and Teen Pregnancy,” March 1, 2007. www.education.com.
Barna Group “Teen Role Models: Who They Are, Why They Matter,” 2…
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